The Holocaust and Law

The killing of European Jewry between 1939 and 1945 was the single largest sustained programme of state-organised mass murder in modern history. The legal reckoning that followed it, considered as a complete operational project, was the largest sustained programme of postwar legal accountability ever undertaken. The two operations were, in their respective scales, of the same order of magnitude. The killing took six years and produced approximately six million deaths. The legal reckoning has taken eighty years and has produced approximately five to six thousand substantive convictions across the various participating jurisdictions, alongside the substantial body of treaties, conventions, principles, and institutional frameworks that have constituted the postwar international human rights and international criminal law systems. The killing was the foundational event of the legal reckoning. The reckoning has been, in its operational character, the largest single legacy of the killing in the working international order.

This page draws together the legal threads addressed in the various subsidiary pages of this section. The fuller treatments of specific topics are on the linked pages: Crimes Against Humanity (a New Concept in International Law); Intelligence Services and Protected Nazis; The Genocide Convention 1948; The Nuremberg Principles and Their Legacy; Raphael Lemkin Who Coined the Word Genocide; The Eichmann Trial as a Turning Point in Holocaust Consciousness; and Universal Jurisdiction. This page provides the synthesis: how these elements work together, what they have collectively produced, and what their continuing operation looks like in 2026.

The structure of the legal response

The postwar legal response to the killing of European Jewry has had four principal structural elements.

The substantive criminal law. The substantive content of postwar international criminal law was developed principally in the period 1945 to 1950, through the London Charter of August 1945, the Nuremberg judgment of October 1946, the Genocide Convention of December 1948, and the International Law Commission’s formulation of the Nuremberg Principles in July 1950. The substantive law was extended and refined in subsequent instruments including the Geneva Conventions of August 1949, the 1968 Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity, the various ad hoc tribunal statutes of the 1990s, and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court of July 1998. The substantive law as it stands in 2026 covers four principal categories: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. The four categories together constitute the operational scope of postwar international criminal law.

The institutional framework. The institutional framework for the application of the substantive law has developed in three stages. The first stage was the Allied Nuremberg proceedings of 1945 to 1949, which produced the foundational application of the new substantive law to the senior leadership of the German regime. The second stage was the various national-court prosecutions of the postwar decades, principally in the West German, Eastern European, Israeli, and (more recently) French and Western European national-court frameworks. The third stage was the international tribunal frameworks of the 1990s and 2000s: the ICTY, the ICTR, the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the Cambodia tribunal, and the International Criminal Court. The current institutional framework operates principally through the ICC and through national courts under universal jurisdiction frameworks.

The procedural standards. The procedural standards for international criminal proceedings were developed at Nuremberg and have been progressively refined in subsequent practice. The principal elements include the right of the defendant to counsel of choice, the right to access the documentary evidence introduced against the defendant, the right to call witnesses, the right to make closing statements, and the right to a fair trial more generally (Principle V of the Nuremberg Principles). The procedural standards have been applied with substantial consistency across the various postwar proceedings, with the principal exceptions being some of the Eastern European Communist proceedings of the late 1940s and early 1950s.

The state responsibility framework. The framework for state responsibility for international crimes has developed alongside the individual criminal responsibility framework but operates substantially through different institutional channels. The principal mechanism has been the contentious jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, which has produced state-responsibility judgments in cases including Bosnia v. Serbia (2007), Croatia v. Serbia (2015), The Gambia v. Myanmar (proceedings ongoing), and South Africa v. Israel (proceedings ongoing). The state-responsibility framework is operationally less developed than the individual criminal responsibility framework but has produced substantial recent expansion.

The achievements

The achievements of the postwar legal response, considered against the background of the underlying killing, have been substantial in several dimensions.

The doctrinal foundation. The Nuremberg framework established, for the first time in the operational practice of international law, the principle that individuals are direct subjects of international criminal law, that senior state officials do not enjoy immunity for international crimes, and that the relationship between a state and its citizens is, in certain respects, a matter of international rather than purely domestic legal regulation. These three principles are, by general subsequent assessment, the most consequential single innovations of postwar international law. They have been the foundation of the entire postwar international human rights system.

The documentary record. The various postwar proceedings have produced the most substantial single body of documentary evidence on a major historical event that has ever been assembled in legal proceedings. The Nuremberg trial transcripts and exhibits run to approximately twenty thousand pages of judgments and several hundred thousand pages of documentary exhibits. The Subsequent Proceedings produced the fifteen volumes of the green series and several hundred thousand pages of supporting exhibits. The Eichmann trial produced approximately fifty thousand pages of transcripts and exhibits. The Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial produced approximately ten thousand pages of transcripts and exhibits. The various subsequent proceedings have continued to add to the documentary record. The aggregate body of evidence is the foundational primary source for all subsequent Holocaust historiography. Every serious scholarly work on the killing rests, ultimately, on the legal proceedings’ documentary base.

The principle of accountability. The legal proceedings have established, in the practical working consciousness of the postwar international order, the principle that senior figures of state-organised atrocity may be held accountable. The principle is operationally imperfect: most of the senior figures of the killing of European Jewry escaped meaningful accountability, and the principle has been substantially limited by political constraints in subsequent applications. The principle nevertheless exists, and operates, in a way it had not before 1945. The senior figures of subsequent atrocities (Cambodia, Rwanda, Yugoslavia, Sierra Leone, and others) have, in many cases, faced legal proceedings that would not have been institutionally possible without the Nuremberg foundation.

The shift in public consciousness. The legal proceedings, particularly the Eichmann trial of 1961 to 1962 (see the separate page The Eichmann Trial as a Turning Point in Holocaust Consciousness), produced a substantial shift in the public consciousness of the killing in Western liberal democracies. The shift was operationally important for the subsequent development of the international human rights movement, for Holocaust education in Western school systems, and for Holocaust commemoration as a substantial element of Western public culture. The current substantial public engagement with the killing in these states is a legacy of the trial-driven shift.

The failures

The failures of the postwar legal response, considered against the background of the underlying killing, have been substantial in several dimensions.

The proportional accountability gap. The single largest failure of the postwar legal response has been the proportional accountability gap. Approximately fifty thousand to one hundred thousand individuals had operational responsibility for the killing of European Jewry between 1939 and 1945. Approximately five to six thousand have faced substantive legal proceedings of any kind across all jurisdictions. The proportional accountability rate is therefore in the region of five to ten per cent. The proportion is small. Most of the operationally responsible individuals lived out their postwar lives without facing prosecution.

The clemency reversal. The Allied clemency programmes of the early 1950s, principally the McCloy clemency of January 1951 in the American zone, substantially reduced the sentences of the convicted figures of the Nuremberg Subsequent Proceedings. The clemency was politically driven by the requirements of the Cold War rebuilding of Germany. It was, by general subsequent assessment, a moral mistake. Most of the convicted figures of the Subsequent Proceedings served less than half of their original sentences, and several of the most senior figures returned to substantial postwar professional careers. The clemency was the most substantial single subsequent compromise of the Nuremberg framework.

The intelligence-services compromise. The recruitment of senior figures of the killing apparatus by the postwar Western intelligence services (see Intelligence Services and Protected Nazis) was the single most substantial parallel compromise of the Nuremberg framework. The recruitment operated in tension with, and in some respects in contradiction of, the Nuremberg principles that the same Western governments had been operating. The aggregate effect was the protection of perhaps a thousand individuals across all the participating Western services who would otherwise have faced prosecution.

The major-power problem. The current operational framework of international criminal law has been substantially constrained by the non-participation of the major powers. The United States, China, Russia, and India are not parties to the Rome Statute and are not subject to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The non-participation has substantially limited the operational reach of the framework against senior figures of these states. The recent indictments of Vladimir Putin and of senior Israeli figures by the ICC have produced sustained political controversy and have not been operationally enforced. The framework’s effectiveness against major-power figures remains substantially constrained.

The prevention failure. The Nuremberg framework had been intended both to prosecute and to prevent international crimes. It has, in operational practice, been substantially more successful at the former than at the latter. The killings in Cambodia, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Darfur, Syria, Myanmar, Ukraine, and Gaza have all occurred in the period since the framework was established. The framework has produced eventual legal accountability in many of these cases. It has not, in any of them, produced the prevention that its drafters had hoped for. The gap between substantive prohibition and operational prevention is the single largest practical failure of the postwar framework.

The current operational state

The current operational state of the postwar legal response, as it stands in 2026, can be summarised in five points.

The doctrinal foundation is substantially settled. The substantive content of international criminal law, as it appears in the Rome Statute and in the various ad hoc tribunal statutes, is broadly accepted as a matter of customary international law and is unlikely to be substantively modified in the foreseeable future. The four-category framework (genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, the crime of aggression) is the working operational scope.

The institutional framework is in transition. The ad hoc tribunals of the 1990s have largely closed their operations. The International Criminal Court is operationally constrained by the major-power problem. The principal current institutional mechanism for international criminal accountability is national-court universal jurisdiction proceedings, particularly in the German, French, and (more recently) Dutch frameworks. The future direction of the institutional framework is likely to be increasingly through national-court proceedings rather than through international tribunals as such.

The state responsibility framework is in active development. The proceedings before the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar and South Africa v. Israel are likely to produce substantial additional development of the state-responsibility framework over the next several years. The ILC’s draft Convention on Crimes Against Humanity, if adopted in the late 2020s, will give the category the same convention-based foundation that genocide has had since 1948.

The late prosecutions of Holocaust-era perpetrators are essentially over. The Furchner conviction of December 2022 was the last substantial postwar West German prosecution of a Holocaust-era perpetrator. The remaining surviving operational personnel are too few, too old, and too ill for further proceedings. The work after 2022 will be the work of historians and educators rather than of prosecutors.

The wider integration of the legal framework into the public culture of Western liberal democracies has been substantial and is largely settled. The killing of European Jewry is a substantial element of Western school curricula, of Western public commemorative practice, of Western cultural production, and of Western political discourse. The legal framework that produced and has continued to support this integration is itself a substantial element of Western political identity.

What the legal response shows

The postwar legal response to the killing of European Jewry was the largest single project of its kind ever undertaken. It was, in its substantive achievements, more substantial than any comparable response to any comparable event in modern history. It was, in its substantive failures, also more substantial than any comparable response to any comparable event in modern history. The proportional accountability gap, the clemency reversal, the intelligence-services compromise, the major-power problem, and the prevention failure together constitute a substantial body of failure alongside the substantial body of achievement.

The wider lesson is the lesson of legal frameworks against the persistence of state-organised atrocity. Legal frameworks, however well constructed and however substantially supported, cannot by themselves prevent the conduct they prohibit. They can produce, with sufficient political will, eventual accountability for some of the senior figures of the conduct they prohibit. They cannot guarantee even that. The political will required for the operational application of the legal frameworks has been, in the postwar period, substantially uneven and substantially distributed. The frameworks have produced their best operational results in cases where the political will of the relevant national authorities has been sustained and where the operational capacity of the relevant tribunals has been adequate. They have produced their worst operational results in cases where the political will has been absent or compromised by other considerations.

The continuing operation of the framework, in 2026, depends substantially on the responses of the international system to several pending questions. The first is the resolution of the major-power problem at the International Criminal Court. The second is the continuing development of the national-court universal jurisdiction frameworks. The third is the eventual adoption of the Convention on Crimes Against Humanity. The fourth is the continuing engagement of the major Western intelligence services with the historical record of their postwar conduct. The fifth is the continuing engagement of the wider Western political class with the operational implications of the framework for the contemporary international system.

The framework itself is, by some measures, the most durable single product of the killing of European Jewry. The killing produced six million deaths. The framework has produced, in continuing operation, the substantive legal infrastructure of the postwar international human rights system. The infrastructure cannot bring back the dead. It can, in continuing operation, attempt to make the conditions of comparable killings less likely. The attempt is the substantive content of the framework. The attempt has not, in eighty years of operation, been fully successful. The attempt has, in eighty years of operation, produced more than the alternative of no attempt at all would have produced. The framework continues. The work continues. The killing of European Jewry, the foundational event from which the framework emerged, has not been forgotten. The legal record stands. It will continue to stand.

See also


Sources

  • International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals, 42 vols, Nuremberg, 1947 to 1949
  • Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10, the Green Series, 15 vols, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1949 to 1953
  • Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 9 December 1948, 78 UNTS 277
  • Geneva Conventions, 12 August 1949, 75 UNTS 31, 85, 135, 287
  • Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 17 July 1998, 2187 UNTS 3
  • William A. Schabas, Genocide in International Law, Cambridge University Press, 2nd edn, 2009
  • Antonio Cassese, International Criminal Law, Oxford University Press, 3rd edn, 2013
  • Mary Fulbrook, Reckonings: Legacies of Nazi Persecution and the Quest for Justice, Oxford University Press, 2018
  • Philippe Sands, East West Street: On the Origins of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2016